Along a highway on a grassy hill,
thousands of white crosses — each one representing an individual victim
of brutal farm murders, or plaasmoorde in Afrikaans — are a
stark reminder of the reality facing European-descent farmers in the new
South Africa. One of the iron crosses was planted last year in memory
of two-year-old Willemien Potgieter, who was executed on a farm and left
in a pool of her own blood. Her parents were murdered, too — the father
hacked to death with a machete. Before leaving, the half-dozen killers
tied a note to the gate: “We killed them. We’re coming back.”
The Potgieter family massacre is just one
of the tens of thousands of farm attacks to have plagued South Africa
since 1994. Like little Willemien’s cross, many of those now-iconic
emblems represent innocent children, even babies, who have been savagely
murdered, oftentimes after being tortured in ways so gruesome,
horrifying, and barbaric, that mere words could never adequately
describe it. The death toll is still rising.
Like countless South Africans, Andre
Vandenberg has lost multiple relatives to violence in the so-called
“Rainbow Nation.” In separate incidents, according to Vandenberg, a
motorcycle exporter and former military man who now lives in the United
States, two of his female cousins were brutally and repeatedly raped in
front of their husbands. One of the women was pregnant with the couple’s
first child. All five victims were murdered. After sodomizing and
killing the husbands, in both cases, the ruthless attackers raped
Vandenberg’s cousins again.
Enduring the horror for hours, one of the
women was eventually shot. The other had a tire filled with gasoline put
around her neck and set ablaze — the agonizing punishment known as
“necklacing,” which was once commonly meted out to black opponents of
the predominantly black African National Congress (ANC) now ruling South
Africa in an unholy alliance with the South African Communist Party
(SACP) and an umbrella group for labor unions. Nelson Mandela’s wife,
Winnie, was known for publicly supporting the barbaric act. Nobody was
ever arrested in connection with those two farm attacks.
Before Vandenberg lost his cousins, his
father was killed by a truck driver in a suspicious accident. The
drunken suspect, apparently a respected figure within the ANC, was
arrested at the scene. However, under pressure from the ANC, the killer
was released on $100 bail. Again with help from the ANC, Vandenberg
said, the driver fled and was never prosecuted for the killing. No
explanation was ever given by authorities, despite repeated appeals for
answers.
After being deported back to South Africa
from the United States over an alleged failure to report a change of
address, Vandenberg’s brother was killed, too. Within a year of his
arrival, he was brutally murdered. Witnesses watched the murder unfold
and told police, but as has become typical, nobody was ever prosecuted. A
male cousin of Vandenberg’s, meanwhile, was shot in the chest while
being robbed. And as is often the case, the murder was labeled an
“accident” by authorities.
“It’s racial crime,” insisted Vandenberg, an Afrikaner descendant of Dutch settlers, in an interview with The New American.
“The ANC people are using genocide — they’re pro-genocide. Long term,
they want all the property that belongs to the whites.” The black-led
ANC-communist regime is “twice as racist” as the former white-led
apartheid government ever was, he added. And along with its supporters,
the South African government is willing to do “anything” to accomplish
its goals.
When top ANC government leaders, including
South African President Jacob Zuma, chant about exterminating whites,
“some people think they’re just singing songs,” Vandenberg said,
becoming visibly uncomfortable at the thought of it. “But I think
they’re very serious about that. That’s why we have all the farm
murders.... What they do, their followers will follow.”
In its defense, the ANC regime points out
that crime affects all South Africans; and it is true, the country has
one of the highest murder rates in the world — blacks, whites, people of
Asian origin, and others are all terrorized by it. But respected
independent experts who have investigated allegations of anti-white
genocide in the Rainbow Nation have concluded that the government is not
being honest about the wave of genocidal murders. The ANC’s national
spokesman declined repeated requests for comment.
Genocide
Following a fact-finding mission to South
Africa in July, Dr. Gregory Stanton, head of the non-profit group
Genocide Watch, announced his conclusions: There is an orchestrated
genocidal campaign targeting whites, and white farmers in particular.
The respected organization released a report about its investigation
shortly afterward. On a scale the group developed to identify the
phases of genocide, South Africa has been moved to stage six: the
preparation and planning phase. Step seven is extermination. The eighth
and final stage: denial after the fact.
Among the startling discoveries, long known
to South Africans and analysts monitoring the powder keg, was evidence
pointing to the ANC regime itself. “There is thus strong circumstantial
evidence of government support for the campaign of forced displacement
and atrocities against White farmers and their families,” Genocide Watch
leaders said in their report, entitled Why Are Afrikaner Farmers Being Murdered in South Africa? “There is direct evidence of SA [South African] government incitement to genocide.”
According to experts and estimates compiled
by citizens who track the killing spree, at least 3,000 white farmers
in South Africa, known as Boers (from the Dutch word for “farmer”), have
been brutally massacred over the last decade. Some estimates put the
figures even higher, but it is hard to know because the ANC government
has purposely made it impossible to determine the true extent. With the
total number of commercial farmers in South Africa estimated at between
30,000 and 40,000, analysts say as many as 10 percent have already been
exterminated. Even more have come under attack.
It is worse than murder, though. Many of
the victims, including children and even infants, are raped or savagely
tortured or both before being executed or left for dead. Sometimes
boiling water is poured down their throats. Other attacks involve
burning victims with hot irons or slicing them up with machetes. In more
than a few cases, the targets have been tied to their own cars and
dragged along dirt roads for miles.
The South African government, dominated by
the communist-backed ANC, has responded to the surging wave of racist
murders by denying the phenomenon, implausibly claiming that many of the
attacks are simply “regular” crimes. Despite fierce criticism,
authorities also stopped tracking statistics that would provide a more
accurate picture of what is truly going on.
In many cases, the murders are simply
classified as “burglaries” or even “accidents” and ignored, so the true
murder figures are certainly much higher than officials admit. The
police, meanwhile, are often involved in the murders or at least the
coverups, multiple sources report. A white South African exile living in
the United States told The New American that when victims are
able to defend themselves or apprehend the would-be perpetrators, many
of the attackers are found to be affiliated with the ruling ANC or its
youth wing.
Experts are not buying the government’s coverup. “The farm murders, we have become convinced, are not accidental,” said Dr. Stanton of Genocide Watch
during his fact-finding mission to South Africa. It was very clear that
the massacres were not common crimes, he added — especially because of
the absolute barbarity used against the victims. “We don’t know exactly
who is planning them yet, but what we are calling for is an
international investigation.”
Indeed, most unbiased analysts concede that
the thousands of brutal killings and tens of thousands of attacks are
part of a broader pattern. And according to Dr. Stanton, who was also
involved in the anti-apartheid movement in South Africa and has decades
of experience examining genocide and communist terror, the trend points
toward a troubled future for the nation.
“Things of this sort are what I have seen
before in other genocides,” he said of the murdered white farmers,
pointing to several examples, including a victim’s body that was left
with an open Bible on top and other murder victims who were tortured,
disemboweled, raped, or worse. “This is what has happened in Burundi;
it’s what happened in Rwanda. It has happened in many other places in
the world.”
Speaking in Pretoria at an event organized
by the anti-communist Transvaal Agricultural Union, Dr. Stanton also
lashed out at the effort to dehumanize whites in South Africa by
portraying them as “settlers.” The label is meant to paint Afrikaner
white farmers — descendants of Northern Europeans who arrived centuries
ago, some as far back as the 1600s — as people who do not belong there.
“High-ranking ANC government officials who
continuously refer to Whites as ‘settlers’ and ‘colonialists of a
special type’ are using racial epithets in a campaign of state-sponsored
dehumanization of the White population as a whole,” Genocide Watch said
in its latest report. “They sanction gang-organized hate crimes against
Whites, with the goal of terrorizing Whites through fear of genocidal
annihilation.”
It is the same process that happened prior
to the infamous genocide against Christian Armenians in Turkey, Stanton
explained. The dehumanization phenomenon also occurred against the
Jewish people in Germany under the National Socialist (Nazi) regime of
mass-murderer Adolf Hitler, well before the Nazi tyrant began
implementing his monstrous “final solution.”
Unfortunately, South Africa might be next
in line. “Whenever you have that kind of dehumanization … you have the
beginning of that downward spiral into genocide,” Stanton noted, adding
that the situation in South Africa had already moved well beyond that
stage. The next phase before extermination, which began years ago in
South Africa, is organizing to actually carry it out.
“We are worried that there are organized
groups that are in fact doing that planning,” Stanton continued during
his speech. “It became clear to us that the [ANC] Youth League was this
kind of organization — it was planning this kind of genocidal massacre
and also the forced displacement of whites from South Africa.”
Genocide Watch first raised its alert level
for South Africa from stage five to stage six when then-ANC Youth
League boss Julius Malema began openly singing a racist song aimed at
inciting murder against white South African farmers: “Shoot the Boer”
and “Kill the Boer” were some of the lyrics. Described by the
anti-genocide group as a “racist Marxist-Leninist,” Malema has also been
quoted as saying that “all whites are criminals” and threatening to
steal white farmers’ land by force. He said the farm murders would stop
when Africans of European descent surrendered their land.
After the calls to genocide made
international headlines, the South African judiciary ruled that the song
advocating murder of whites was unlawful hate speech. Genocide Watch
moved South Africa back down to stage five. Incredibly, however, the
president of South Africa, ANC’s Jacob Zuma, began singing the song
early this year, too.
“We are going to shoot them with the
machine gun; they are going to run; you are a Boer [white farmer]; shoot
the Boer,” the South African president sang at an ANC rally in
Bloemfontein in January, an incident that was caught on film and posted online.
Since then, the number of murdered white South African farmers has been
growing each month, according to reports. Other senior government
officials, meanwhile, have openly called for “war.” South Africa is now
back at stage six.
“This is the kind of talk that of course is
not only pre-genocidal, it also comes before crimes against humanity,”
Dr. Stanton said, urging everyone to remember that they are all members
of the human race. “Those who would be deniers, and who would try to
ignore the warning signs in this country, I think are ignoring the
facts.”
There is also increasing “polarization,”
where the target population — white farmers in this case, and even
moderates of all races — are portrayed as an “enemy,” Stanton explained
about the march to genocide. And that phenomenon is ever-more apparent
in South Africa today, with the situation starting to spiral out of
control.
Meanwhile, the South African government is
stepping up efforts to disarm the struggling white farmers — stripping
them of their final line of defense against genocidal attacks. As has
consistently been the case throughout history, of course, disarmament is
always a necessary precursor to totalitarianism and the eventual mass
slaughter of target groups. In fact, arms in the hands of citizens are
often the final barrier to complete enslavement and even extermination.
“The government has disbanded the commando
units of white farmers that once protected their farms, and has passed
laws to confiscate the farmers’ weapons,” Genocide Watch noted on its
website in an update about South Africa posted in July. “Disarmament of a
targeted group is one of the surest early warning signs of future
genocidal killings.”
Even mere possession of an “unregistered”
or “unlicensed” weapon — licenses have become extraordinarily difficult
to obtain, if not impossible — can result in jail time. And in South
Africa, especially for whites, prison is a virtual death sentence, with
widespread rape and HIV infections being the norm.
Those who do surrender their guns may find
themselves defenseless in the face genocidal terror — again, a potential
death sentence. South African exiles who spoke with TNA said that many
of the guns confiscated from whites by officials have later been found
at the gruesome murder scenes of white farmers.
The United Nations defines genocide as “the
deliberate and systematic destruction, in whole or in part, of an
ethnic, racial, religious, or national group.” The term also includes
actions other than simply wholesale slaughter, though. According to the
UN, among the crimes that can constitute genocide are causing serious
harm to members of a specific minority group; deliberately inflicting
conditions on the minority aimed at bringing about its destruction in
whole or in part; seeking to prevent births among the targeted
population; and forcibly transferring minority children to others.
South African Sonia Hruska, a former
Mandela administration consultant who served as a coordinator in policy
implementation from 1994 to 2001 before moving to the United States,
told The New American that many or even most of those
conditions have already been met — and any single one can technically
constitute genocide if it is part of a systematic attempt to destroy a
particular group. “Acknowledge it. Don’t deny it,” she said. Other
activists and exiles agree. Meanwhile, Hruska and other experts say that
the government is encouraging the problem, actively discriminating
against whites, and in many cases even facilitating the ongoing
atrocities.
“Forced displacement from their farms has
inflicted on the Afrikaner ethnic group conditions of life calculated to
bring about its complete or partial physical destruction, an act of
genocide also prohibited by the Genocide Convention,” Genocide Watch
said in its most recent report. “In our analysis, the current ANC
leadership also publicly uses incitement to genocide with the long-term
goal of forcibly driving out or annihilating the White population from
South Africa.”
Of course, not all South Africans —
especially city dwellers — are convinced that there is an ongoing
genocide in their country, or even that one may be coming. The vast
majority of blacks and whites would simply like to live in peace with
each other.
However, virtually everyone who is paying
attention agrees that without solutions, the precarious situation in the
Rainbow Nation will continue to deteriorate, going from bad to worse,
sooner rather than later.
Communist Threat: Land, Mines
Behind the genocide lurks another issue
that is inseparable from it — the ongoing communist effort to completely
enslave South Africa under totalitarian rule. In fact, aside from white
supremacists, who have seized on the problems in the Rainbow Nation to
spread hate against blacks, most activists believe the stirring up of
racial tensions is not an end in itself. Instead, it is a means to the
ultimate end of foisting socialism on the nation while eliminating all
potential resistance.
The issue of land distribution, which has
become one of the key drivers of the downward spiral, is among the
greatest concerns. The white minority in South Africa still owns much of
the land despite ANC promises to redistribute it to blacks. But the
redistribution that has occurred — as in neighboring Zimbabwe — has
largely resulted in failure, with redistributed farms often failing
quickly while producing little to no food.
Despite the atrocious track record so far,
extremists, including elements of the ANC-dominated government, are now
hoping to expropriate land from white farmers more quickly, with some
factions even arguing that it should be done with no compensation at
all. And the communist agenda here, as in virtually everywhere else
where forcible land redistribution has been adopted, has even broader
goals than just enriching cronies.
“Whatever system of land tenure is adopted
in South Africa, the communists — in the long run — have in mind to take
away all private property. That should never be forgotten,” Stanton
warned, noting that he has lived in communist-run countries before.
“Every place you go where communists have taken over, they take away
private ownership because private ownership gives people the power — the
economic power — to oppose their government. Once you have taken that
away, there is no basis on which you can have the economic power to
oppose the government.”
Of course, this would not be the first time
a similar tragedy has happened in southern Africa. When Marxist
dictator Robert Mugabe seized power in Zimbabwe (formerly known as
Rhodesia, once one of the richest countries on the continent — “the
breadbasket of Africa”), he began a ruthless war against the white
population and his political opponents of all colors.
The country promptly spiraled into chaos
and mass starvation under the Mugabe regime when the tyrant
“redistributed” the farms and wealth to his cronies, who of course knew
nothing about farming. The regime butchered tens of thousands of
victims, and estimates suggest that millions have died as a direct
result of Mugabe’s Marxist policies. Many fled to South Africa.
Whites who refused to leave their property
during the “redistribution” were often tortured and killed by the regime
or its death squads. With Mugabe still in charge, the tragic plight of
Zimbabwe continues to worsen today. But the mass-murdering despot is
still held in high regard by many senior officials in the ANC.
“As a group, Afrikaner farmers stand in the
way of the South African Communist Party’s goal to implement their
Marxist/Leninist/Stalinist New Democratic Revolution and specifically
the confiscation of all rural land belonging to White Afrikaner
farmers,” Genocide Watch officials noted in their most recent report.
Beyond land, there is also the mining
sector, which is crucial to keeping the rapidly deteriorating South
African economy afloat. With the recent labor unrest and miner strikes
focusing international attention on the “Rainbow Nation,” there are
still more questions than answers. What has become clear, though, is
that at least certain factions within South Africa’s ruling elite are
seeking to exploit the crisis to advance the cause of nationalization.
Politicians and aspiring powerbrokers
seized on the escalating crisis — multiple gold and platinum mines were
idled because of the ongoing strikes — to whip up hysteria for political
purposes, analysts said. In mid-September, over a thousand soldiers
were deployed to support an embattled police force, as the ruling ANC
regime and its communist partners sought to blame business for the
tensions.
The ruling alliance consisting of the ANC,
the South African Communist Party (SACP), and the Conference of South
African Trade Unions (COSATU) implausibly claimed after an inquiry that
mining companies were to blame for the chaos: “It is therefore our
considered view that employers have an interest in fanning this conflict
to reverse the gains achieved by workers over a long period of time.”
According to the ruling alliance, the
mining businesses were deliberately stirring up union rivalries to
suppress wages and benefits. However, credible analysts largely rejected
the allegations as preposterous; the firms in question have already
lost huge amounts of money as many of their mines remained shut down
because of the strikes. Stock prices plunged, too.
Meanwhile, multiple communist agitators
within and outside the ANC renewed their calls to nationalize the mines.
The move, however, was hardly a surprise. Consider that even before
seizing power, state ownership of the sector was established ANC policy.
“The nationalization of the mines, banks and monopoly industries is the
policy of the ANC and a change or modification of our views in this
regard is inconceivable,” Nelson Mandela said in a 1990 statement from
prison.
They are still at it today. Marxist
agitator and former ANC Youth League boss Malema, famous for corruption,
inciting genocide against white South Africans, and demanding that the
regime nationalize virtually the entire economy, inserted himself at the
center of the growing labor unrest. He called for, among other schemes,
nationwide strikes and the nationalization of the whole mining
industry.
After Malema was expelled from the ANC
earlier this year, the suspiciously wealthy communist racist — he lives
far beyond his means and was recently charged with corruption — has
started to attack South African ANC President Zuma, a polygamist and
fellow open communist who also regularly sings the infamous hate song
calling for the extermination of whites. After strikers were killed by
police last month, Malema, apparently upset that Zuma had not sunk South
Africa into total communist tyranny quickly enough, said, “How can he
call on people to mourn those he has killed? He must step down.”
Observers, even those within South Africa’s
ruling alliance, however, suggested the unrest was actually being
carefully orchestrated by power-hungry elements within the
communist-backed ANC itself. Even top officials within the alliance are
suspicious about what is going on. According to COSATU President Sdumo
Dlamini, for example, Malema supporters within the ANC were hoping to
plunge South Africa into deeper chaos to solidify their power. “We also
understand that there have been certain individuals behind him who are
funding this for their own political ambitions,” Dlamini said. “Julius
Malema may be the point person running at the front, but we know that
there are big guns behind him.” And big money, too.
Dlamini said COSATU was “very angry” that
unsuspecting mine workers were being used as pawns by opportunists,
sometimes even being killed in the process. “This is a systematic,
orchestrated, long-time plan that is unfolding now,” he added. “The ANC
as the ruling party shouldn’t be afraid to be bold, condemn and
expose.... The ANC must continue to identify and deal with those who
fund this chaos.”
Communists, of course, have historically
been known to create the superficial impression of internal division to
further their agenda while collaborating together behind the scenes —
the use of strategic disinformation, as defectors have called it.
Obviously, there are occasions when would-be communist despots fight
among themselves as well. It remains unclear what, if anything, may be
going on outside of the limelight between the ANC, the SACP, and other
totalitarian forces working to crush individual liberty and all
resistance within South Africa.
Other analysts attributed the expanding
labor unrest to widely different causes, ranging from anger over the ANC
regime’s lawless corruption to genuine grievances about dangerous
working conditions and low pay at the mines. Tribal tensions have also
been cited as playing a role, though just how significant is difficult
to determine.
Numerous observers have attributed the
violent tensions to rivalries between the ANC-linked National Union of
Mineworkers (NUM), which is the largest member of COSATU, and its
increasingly influential rival known as the Association of Mineworkers
and Construction Union (AMCU). Some experts said the crackdown on
protests was an effort to quash the AMCU before it further splintered
workers’ support for the ruling ANC-SACP-COSATU alliance.
Critics have accused the AMCU, which touts
itself as anti-communist and has long criticized the established
powerbrokers for corruption, of fomenting the unrest. The South African
Communist Party even called for AMCU leaders to be arrested after the
incident, and among the ruling communist establishment, fears about the
renegade union are reportedly growing.
The chaos has been ongoing since early this
year, but it exploded and entered into the international headlines in
August after dozens of striking miners were killed in what has since
been dubbed the “Marikana massacre.” Police, who were reportedly fired
upon by armed demonstrators, returned fire, killing more than 30 people.
Top government officials — many of whom
have personal stakes in the situation including shares in the mining
firms — have vowed to crack down on the strikes. Proud communist
revolutionary Jeff Radebe, the “Justice Minister” in the ANC regime,
said at a September 14 press conference that authorities were
intervening because the mining industry is crucial to South Africa’s
crumbling economy. “The South African government has noted and is deeply
concerned by the amount of violence, threats and intimidation that is
currently taking place in our country,” he told reporters, warning that
anyone taking part in “illegal gatherings” would be “dealt with” very
swiftly. “Our government will not tolerate these acts any further.”
Critics of the harsh response warned that
raids and use of force against miners would likely contribute to further
unrest. Perhaps that is the desired outcome, with anarchy helping to
pave the way for police-state measures. While the crisis was growing,
however, Marxist genocidal forces seized the opportunity to unleash an
even larger bloodbath.
A newly formed U.S.-based group of human rights activists and South African exiles known as Friends 4 Humanity, founded to raise awareness about the genocide of the South African minority, told The New American
at the time that the number of racist attacks and murders against
Afrikaner farmers had surged dramatically amid the labor unrest. There
were at least 30 documented attacks in the first two weeks of September —
many resulting in multiple murders.
“Since the beginning of 2012 we have
noticed that murders increased to approximately one every second day,
with some victims as young as six months,” said Sonia Hruska, the former
Mandela consultant who is also a founding member of the new
organization. “However, since the start of the mining unrest it has now
escalated to as much as at least one attack a day with multiple fatal
victims.”
Impeding the Plan
The New American magazine warned readers
almost two decades ago that the ANC leaders of the anti-apartheid
movement and their foreign backers, despite the establishment media’s
bogus claims, were deliberately plotting to condemn that nation to
communism. The signs were all over the place — literally. For example,
Nelson Mandela made a public appearance in front of a giant hammer and
sickle with SACP chief Joe Slovo. Now, after almost 20 years of patient
waiting, that conquest appears to be nearing its final phases as
anti-communist whites are slaughtered to make way for a collectivist
“utopia” ruled by the ANC and the SACP. Troublesome blacks were
exterminated by the ANC and its allies before 1994.
Among South Africans and foreigners
concerned about the ongoing problems and a looming calamity, however,
there is a wide range of thoughts about what should happen.
Dr. Stanton of Genocide Watch promised the
Afrikaners that he would visit the U.S. Embassy and bring the issue to
the attention of world leaders. However, he also urged them not to give
up their guns and to continue resisting the communist “ideology”
espoused by so many of the political and party leaders that now dominate
the nation’s coercive government apparatus.
So far, efforts to garner the attention of
the “international community” appear to have been largely unproductive.
The Dutch Parliament, though, narrowly defeated a recent bill calling
for the government of the Netherlands to investigate and help combat
racist violence directed at Afrikaners in South Africa by offering
expertise and judiciary support while helping to preserve threatened
basic rights, such as freedom of the press. Despite failing to pass, the
effort was taken as a sign that world opinion may be changing, albeit
slowly.
Activists are also calling on European
governments and the United States to immediately begin accepting
especially vulnerable white refugees from South Africa as a high
priority. There are less than five million whites left in the country,
about 10 percent of South Africans, down from almost a quarter of the
population decades ago.
Analysts say that giving them asylum may
prove tough politically — partly because it could expose the myths of
Nelson Mandela and his communist ANC being “heroic” so-called freedom
fighters.
Even if it were possible, millions of white
South Africans would refuse to leave the land of their forefathers
anyway, at least at this point, knowing that if they left, the Afrikaner
culture and language may disappear forever. “Up to a million people
have already emigrated, almost as many as left Lebanon during the civil
war. However, mass emigration would mean the demise of our nation,
together with our unique language, history, literature and culture,” Pro-Afrikaans Action Group (PRAAG)
chief Dan Roodt told The New American. “You must also remember that to
most of the Western countries, we represent unwanted immigrants, despite
being educated, law-abiding and Christian. Despite being persecuted,
very few actually get political asylum as the mass media still portray
South Africa as a model democracy.”
Like a significant subset of the Afrikaner
minority, Roodt wants his people to have their own autonomous homeland
in Southern Africa, a proposal that the ANC regime rejects out of hand.
“Many of us want to stay and fight and turn the tables on this
anachronistic left-wing, racist regime,” explained the controversial
Afrikaner advocate.
Other South Africans hope the international
community will intervene to protect persecuted minority groups — either
militarily if the downward spiral continues, or at least through
sanctions and diplomatic pressure. More than a few sources who spoke to
The New American said foreign action is a necessity: They view South
Africa as a sort of “canary in the coal mine.” The Rainbow Nation might
be the first to go, but Western civilization, they say, will not be far
behind.
Unsurprisingly, the establishment press has
barely reported a word about the looming potential catastrophe in South
Africa. However, there is hope: Activists say that if Americans get
involved, even just helping to raise awareness, a bloodbath of
apocalyptic proportions may well be averted.
It will certainly not be easy to roll back
the blood-red tide of communism and genocide in South Africa. The roots
have been firmly planted, nurtured by Western governments and communist
tyrants for decades. But for South Africans of all colors, and for
humanity itself, activists insist that the battle must go on. It will.
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